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Grex > Agora35 > #207: The faithless elector possibility | |
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| 25 new of 57 responses total. |
flem
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response 29 of 57:
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Dec 16 19:39 UTC 2000 |
Satan for President! :)
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polygon
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response 30 of 57:
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Dec 16 19:56 UTC 2000 |
Re 28. The theoretical reasons for disliking the Electoral College are
stronger now than they were in 1888, when ideas of numerical fairness in
voting and representation were not well developed. Right up into the
1960s, many state legislators or even members of Congress were elected
from districts which had many times the population of other districts.
Only in our lifetime did the Supreme Court decide that was a problem.
The theoretical reasons for keeping the Electoral College are much weaker
in an era when states have lost a lot of their distinctiveness and
separateness, and millions of people move readily across state lines and
consider themselves fundamentally to be Americans rather than Virginians
or Ohioans or whatever.
Yes, there have been plenty of cries of indignation against the Electoral
College. They appear in almost every civics textbook or learned essay
about the structure of the presidential election process. Colmnists
warned that the electoral college/popular vote mismatch possibility was a
"timb bomb" which could explode and cause public outrage, a constitutional
crisis, maybe even violence.
All of those predictions were wrong. Almost everybody is willing to keep
following the steps outlined in the Constitution, even if they lead to a
result they don't like for political or theoretical reasons. And those
steps outlined in the constitution include the concept of independent
electors who are free to vote their conscience.
The Electoral College will probably never be abolished; if we're going to
live with it, we have to live with the whole thing, not selected aspects
of it.
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drew
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response 31 of 57:
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Dec 16 20:04 UTC 2000 |
It depends on whether we are going to continue to be a federation of
independent polities or become one big megastate. Whatever the choice, though,
winner-take-all-by-state has to go. If we continue the compact-of-governances
model, the proper way to do presidential elections is:
* Each State gets *two* electors, that th respective States may choose
any way they want;
* Each *Congressional district* gets one elector, selected by popular vote
within the respective districts.
This better mirrors the way Congress is set up, and makes popular/electoral
result mismatches a lot less likely.
DC could still have its three votes, I guess. AFAIAC, DC should get squat,
as a political entity. Instead, let each person in DC vote as a resident of
his State of origin - and be able to choose a state of origin if it's not
known. DC is supposed to be common territory - an extrality zone, if you will.
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rcurl
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response 32 of 57:
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Dec 16 21:28 UTC 2000 |
Not quite. The Constitution provides for a very large fraction of
national authority to reside in "one big megastate", but it reserves
the rest to the states.
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carson
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response 33 of 57:
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Dec 16 21:43 UTC 2000 |
This response has been erased.
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carson
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response 34 of 57:
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Dec 16 21:53 UTC 2000 |
resp:15
(great. perhaps you might also say why if you "could have left skin
color out of it... and maybe... should have," you felt the need to
begin resp:13 with seven paragraphs of why you _didn't_.)
(perhaps you might go into more detail about why you chose to use the
word "opportunist." you briefly touch on this by referring to your
experiences in Detroit, but it's not clear [to me] why someone who
isn't an "ideological conservative" wouldn't belong in the GOP save for
the chance at some nebulous political appointment. I'll also point out
that, with Detroit being one of the poorest cities, it wouldn't be
surprising to see someone who grew up with nothing to try and make
something out of themselves by any means necessary. surely you see
that in both major parties. perhaps you meant to imply poorer people
are "opportunists", and just happened to confuse a socioeconomic
condition with a skin color?)
(plus, you might say, even if anyone accepted your portrayal of this
potential faithless elector [who just happens to have dark skin, but it
really doesn't matter, even though you spend great lengths implying
that it does] as being from an economically depressed area, not really
agreeing with the GOP [or at least not "ideological conservative"], and
conveniently having dozens of neighbors who consider him a "snake", how
we could then place this person into your scenario of finding one
or two more electors *just like him* to "sit around a kitchen table"
and deciding, for whatever reason, Gore would deserve their vote moreso
than Bush, such that it would be worth, uh, to paraphrase you,
uncommitting political treason.)
(some of the members of this year's electoral college are listed at
<http://www.nara.gov/fedreg/elctcoll/2000res.html>. perhaps you could
find the two or three electors who fit your scenario.)
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polygon
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response 35 of 57:
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Dec 17 00:12 UTC 2000 |
Re 34. I wrote that I could have left the black/white thing out
completely, but it would have been misleading. The word "race" may be
meaningless as a biological concept, but it still has tremendous power as
a socio-political concept. Black voters as a group have different views,
different loyalties, different religious practices, different residential
patterns than similarly situated white or Hispanic voters. If you talk
about politics, these differences are going to come up.
You ask why skin color should be any criteria of this. Well, it's not. I
do frequently use the word "black" interchangably with "African-American",
because the one-syllable term is much less awkward to use. It's not a
literal reference to skin color; it's a reference to a group
identification. Nobody I know, regardless of the color of their skin or
their group self-identification, uses the term "African-American"
completely to the exclusion of the term "black". And since I am in
politics, I hear these terms being used on an almost daily basis.
I thought I explained the word "opportunist" pretty thoroughly already. I
know lots of opportunistic people in politics. Public figures who I have
repeatedly called opportunistic include Jerry Kaufman (many times a
candidate for Michigan Supreme Court), and Ralph Reed (one-time head of
the Christian Coalition). An opportunist (in politics) is someone who
joins a political campaign or party or crusade for other than reasons of
belief or dedication. Often their lack of sincerity for the cause shows,
or perhaps their willingness to abandon it when something better comes
along is more telling.
Since I believe that the difference between the Democratic and Republican
party is pretty deep and significant, I think that a political activist or
politician who changes from one to the other is making (or acknowledging)
a major change in their views and values. But people change, and parties
change, so it is inevitable that individuals are going to have to go
through this kind of thing. I have known people who have done so, in both
directions. If you're a already a politician, changiing parties usually
means that you're leaving behind most of the political associates and
supporters, and even friends; it's a bit like moving from one world into
another, earning the animus of your old friends and never quite getting
the full trust of your new friends.
But when a person does this REPEATEDLY, as Jerry Kaufman has for example,
and especially when it's to personal advantage, as it is in his case, you
start to wonder at how flexible his political views must be.
Certain times and political situations seem to attract people like Jerry.
When your party is almost totally irrelevant, has never won anything and
seemingly never will be more than a footnote in your state or area, you
are in no position to question the sincerity of anyone who walks through
the door. You're just grateful for the help.
Yes, Detroit is an economically depressed area which also has districts
which are overwhelmingly populated by people who describe themselves as
black, and which vote for Democrats by gigantic majorities. But I didn't
say "economically depressed" because that by itself does not even begin to
explain why such districts have only tiny numbers of Republicans.
Some of the poorest, most economically depressed counties in the United
States are also overwhelmingly REPUBLICAN -- look at Hancock County,
Tennessee, for example. Even in cities like New York, Chicago and Los
Angeles, economically depressed districts which are ethnically diverse do
have MUCH more than trivial numbers of Republican activists and voters.
The reason why it was logical to single out the African-American
communities in my original message is that there is no other substantial
population group in the United States which votes Democratic so solidly.
And, despite rising incomes (which might be thought to make people more
politically conservative), this is even truer now than it used to be. Al
Gore got a higher percentage of black votes than Bill Clinton did in 1996,
which means that George W. Bush did worse among black voters than did the
seemingly hapless Bob Dole.
Those kinds of facts get the attention of politicians. And that kind of
reality, in areas where African-American voters make up the electorate,
creates an awkward situation for Republican organizations on the ground,
leading to the possible naming of electors who might not have the same
commitment to the Republican Party and its candidates as the average
Republican elector does.
I mentioned ideological conservatives because that is one obvious way to
develop a deep commitment to the Republican Party. I did not mean to
imply that there were not other ways. One important example of probably
many: Less than a lifetime ago, to be African-American meant that you were
a Republican politically. Every important advance for the rights of black
people across decades of American history (from the 1850s almost to the
1950s) was brought about by Republicans. I know that a small but
significant number still remember that and have stuck by the party from
those days to this.
I'm not interested in looking over the lists of electors and predicting
who will do what. I was, rather, putting myself in the future and
imagining that one or more electors HAD deserted Bush. Starting from that
assumption, who would it have been? Hence the speculation. No, I don't
think it's terribly likely -- we'll find out on Monday -- but Timothy Noah
in Slate thinks the chances are better than even that there will be at
least one.
The reason I envisioned three people sitting together is that it is not
often in history that as few as three ordinary people are given the power
to completely change the national course of events without committing
violence. One or two alone couldn't do it -- it would take three. I put
it with Scenario Two because the guy I imagined in Scenario One was a
loner.
Most people would not do it, even if they didn't care about political
parties and who won the election, because the act of breaking with
expectations under such circumstances would require tremendous chutzpah.
It would require facing the in-person rage of probably hundreds of people
on that day alone -- many of them people you know -- an almost intolerable
experience for the average person.
So who could possibly do that kind of thing? Maybe somebody who lives in
a community but dissents from its overwhelmingly dominant political
predilections. Somebody who advocates a political party that his
neighbors detest, and who is seen as a turncoat simply for doing so. That
is a fair description of a black Republican activist in an all-black urban
environment in the U.S.
That doesn't mean that an elector from say, urban St. Louis would
necessarily do this. Almost certainly not. But maybe alone among the
people in the room (on December 18), he or she would have the strength of
purpose to make that decision, defy the rage of the other electors and
officials.
That's what I meant by "willingness to go against the grain."
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gelinas
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response 36 of 57:
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Dec 17 02:14 UTC 2000 |
I've been trying to figure out why you say the Constitution envisions
independent electors, Larry. I see where it says that the states will
appoint them, and how their votes will be cast, but I don't see where it
says anything about how they might (or might not) be directed to vote.
At least one other disagrees that the electors are independent:
One misconception about the Electoral College is that the founders
intended for the electors to use their individual judgment in selecting
a candidate. A few people at the constitutional convention may have held
this view. But at the very first contested Presidential election (that
is, in 1796), electors were already pledged to a candidate. Indeed,
one Pennsylvania elector pledged to Adams voted for Jefferson,
prompting this complaint, not so different from something you might
see posted on the Internet:
What, do I chuse Samuel Miles to determine for me
whether John Adams or Thomas Jefferson shall be
President? No! I chuse him to act, not to think.
(From http://www.avagara.com/e_c/ec_unfaithful.htm)
I admit, if the electors had been directed to vote in a particular way,
it is difficult to see how each state would come up with three (or more)
candidates, but that clause didn't last long very long in practice,
even if it did continue in text.
If we are going to vote for unpledged electors, then their names should
appear directly on the ballots. As it is, we vote for electors pledged to a
candidate for President. As in 1796, I voted for them to act, not to think.
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carson
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response 37 of 57:
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Dec 17 02:31 UTC 2000 |
resp:35
(theory is more fun to work with than facts, isn't it? when you work
with facts, such as who the electors actually are, or why electors have
been faithless in the past, or even which states prevent their electors
from switching votes, you're boxing off such wonderfully fantastic
possiblities as two or three similarly-hued Americans sitting around a
kitchen table, planning how they could change the face of politics or
at least get their name in the paper. really, you could make a movie
with such a dramatic, colorful [*cough*] outcome. heck, they could all
sign multimillion dollar book deals, and then it wouldn't matter what
their neighbors thought about their actions.)
(I mean, you could have suggested a scenario where an elector or two
throws their Bush-pledged vote to someone like Nader, or Buchanan, or
maybe even Leiberman. it would only take two of them to throw the
whole election to the House, who would [likely] pick Bush anyway. no
lasting harm done, same message made.)
(you speak of people who make a habit of switching parties, or who are
insincere about the cause they're supporting. having worked on a
political campaign, I'm familiar with insincere people working for a
candidate in whom they don't believe. I'm not convinced that these
people are selected as electors; maybe they are in the third parties.)
(you also speak of this monolithic force you call "black" [or "African-
American" when it isn't _awkward_ for you] that, according to you,
doesn't refer to skin color, but rather some sort of self-described
socioeconomic description. how do you *think* this group came up with
whatever self-description du jour they happen to be using at any given
moment? do all these people get together and say, "we're 'black
colored African-American negroes' because 90% of us voted for Gore!"?
I don't think so. as much as I disagree with the concept, the self-
description comes from skin color. BUT, I would suggest that, in most
cases, these people didn't vote the way they did because of some
narrow, outdated self-description. rather, I would suggest they voted
based on one issue or another. isn't that how most people vote? or is
it that these people get together and say, "we're 'black colored
African-American negroes' who vote however Jesse Jackson says we
should, except for 10% of us!"?)
(ever looked at a map of Africa? it's especially interesting to look
at one before and after the Europeans pulled out. you'll see large
areas of land splintered because colonizers had no regard for keeping
tribes separate, tribes that were more often than not in direct
conflict. heck, they all look the same, they must all be the same,
right? it's that attitude that I see whenever I see the
words "black", "African-American", etc., used to describe a group that
really has almost no unifying characteristic save for skin color.)
(you speak of these people voting overwhelmingly for Gore. didn't
Democrats vote overwhelmingly for Gore too? oh, wait: you did
describe these people as "solidly" Democratic. I wonder what they make
of Colin Powell, who today described himself as "African-American".
maybe he's the exception? maybe he's an "opportunist"?)
(I wonder how many of these self-described "black Republicans" you
know, how many of them have earned the derision of their neighbors, how
many of them are waiting for that one day when they can do that one
thing that will get them a congratulatory phone call from Jesse Jackson
[speaking of an "opportunist"...] or at least that respect which you
imply they crave, at the expense of their self-respect.)
(again, I ask you what sort of twisted opportunity would be gained by
being a faithless elector. and, if you can't find even one elector
from St. Louis who fits your suggested scenario, then I suggest either
picking another city or revisualizing your scenario.)
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gelinas
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response 38 of 57:
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Dec 17 03:03 UTC 2000 |
Carson, you may find the story of Henry Irwin interesting. You can find
it at that URL I posted immediately above but will repeat:
http://www.avagara.com/e_c/ec_unfaithful.htm
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gull
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response 39 of 57:
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Dec 17 03:25 UTC 2000 |
carson demonstrates one of the reasons why racial divisions are so hard to
work on improving in this country -- we aren't even allowed to *talk* about
them. It's such a hot-button issue that you can't even mention the fact
that, for example, people tend to self-segregate by skin color, without
being accused of being a racist for describing the obvious.
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gelinas
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response 40 of 57:
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Dec 17 04:43 UTC 2000 |
The Constitution requires that the electors all meet on the same day. It
occurs to me that one reason for that *might* have been the desire to
forestall the electors voting one way or another based on what had happened
elsewhere: it would take more than a day for news to travel from even
New York City to Boston. Perhaps it's time for Congress to establish the
*time* of the meeting, as well as the day. I don't see anything in the
text that would forbid their doing so. (Although I can also see some states
refusing to meet at the established time just to be contrary.)
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carson
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response 41 of 57:
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Dec 17 05:27 UTC 2000 |
resp:39
(uh, not exactly. one, I haven't accused anyone of being a racist. two,
my gripe here is assigning one thought to an entire group based on skin
color. if people self-segregate, that's their choice, and it shouldn't
mean that everyone else should be lumped in with them. three, what have
Larry and I been doing if *not* discussing it?)
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aaron
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response 42 of 57:
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Dec 17 05:28 UTC 2000 |
(Why are you whispering?)
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carson
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response 43 of 57:
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Dec 17 07:37 UTC 2000 |
resp:42 ("soft-spoken.")
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polygon
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response 44 of 57:
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Dec 17 07:43 UTC 2000 |
Re 41. I'm relieved to hear that your original comment was not an
accusation. Thank you.
If you want to quarrel with the concept that a "black community"
exists in the U.S. which has a significant amount of group cohesion,
fine. I think we can agree to disagree on that point.
I did post articles above which specifically identified which states
have which kinds of laws. Probably the only effective laws are in
Michigan and both Carolinas. About half the states have no laws on
the subject.
Again, my off-the-cuff prediction was overly ebullient. I now think
that if there are any switches among Bush electors, they are much
more likely to be for McCain than for any Democrat. Yes, that puts
the choice to the House of Representatives if Bush loses two or more.
Yes, I have seen insincere and opportunistic people get desirable
positions, sometimes even as a reward for switching parties. Consider
1940s Michigan Governor Kim Sigler, a former Democrat whose party switch
appears, in my opinion, to have been motivated by opportunism rather than
principle. THAT DOES NOT AT ALL MEAN that anyone who switches parties is
an opportunist. NOR DOES THAT MEAN that a faithless elector would
necessarily get, or expect, any such reward. NOR DOES THAT MEAN that
insincere and opportunistic people are likely to be chosen as electors.
I'm baffled at some of the things you're saying. I don't at all imagine
that anyone has become an elector with the explicit plan of switching
his or her vote. I DO imagine that changed circumstances or disgust
with the nominee may occasionally motivate someone to vote differently
than expected. The consequences of such an act are so severe for the
actor that it can reasonably be described as self-destructive.
But you go farther than that, and see such an act as never being
justified, always being morally wrong no matter what, and that I am
slandering someone by suggesting that anyone might even consider it.
Others, such as the editorial writers I quoted above, seem to think that
such an act could potentially be heroic. But WHATEVER the motivation,
whether you agree with it or not, whether it's heroic, foolish, or evil,
it is an act which (1) takes a lot of courage or chutzpah or willingness
to go against the grain, and (2) leads to negative personal consequences.
My point, which I have repeated in different terms so many times I'm
getting tired of it, is that such an act is more likely to occur among
people who have the greatest amount of the (1) against-the-grain
qualities, above, and face the least amount of (2) consequences.
I mentioned positive personal consequences in #0, as if this were a
motivating factor, but on reflection it's hard to imagine that this would
play any real role. Very few people seek out notoriety, and those who do
would never have the patience to work the political vineyards for years.
So you are right to be skeptical about that, and I was wrong to bring that
up as being a factor. Agreed, it is not. And, note well, that pretty
well knocks out opportunism as such as being relevant here, though lack of
strong commitment to party remains.
Again, all this was a speculation about the behavior of 538 people, almost
none of whom I know, or even know anything about. The U.S. House contains
435 members, many of whom are quite well known and understood, and people
speculate about its behavior all the time with varying success -- not
necessarily with reference to names and vote counts, but its behavior and
the behavior of its members in general and as undefined individuals.
(I think I'll delete the rest, go to bed, and continue this some other
time.)
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scg
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response 45 of 57:
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Dec 17 07:53 UTC 2000 |
(Because Carson has been using parentheses for years. It's his trademark)
I think I see the disagreement here. Larry is starting with the premise that
there may be Bush electors voting for Gore, and working his way back in terms
of if that happened, what sort of person would likely be responsible. What
Carson seems to be challenging is working through the scenario in the other
direction. Larry is saying that for somebody to get away with that sort of
thing, there is a certain background they'd probably have to come from, and
a certain type of community they'd probably have to live in. If I'm reading
Carson correctly, he's pointing out that it would not be reasonable to predict
that the sort of person Larry says could get away with this would be likely
ot try it, or would even want to. However, I don't think Larry was claiming
that such a person would be likely to try it, or would want to; just that if
it did happen it would have to be somebody from that background.
It's easy, maybe even reasonable, to inject race into this. The US
unfortunately has a racial history such that race often dictates how people
are treated, what oportunities they are given, and where they are allowed to
live. This was far more so in the past, but remains a pretty contentious
issue in American politics. It stands to reason that most (although certainly
not all) of the people most negatively affected by this (defined by Larry not
only in terms of race, but in terms of living in a segregated community),
would allign themselves with the political party seen as most likely to
improve their situation. As long as we're speaking in statistics, that seems
a pretty fair generalization to make. Of course, the moment it becomes an
absolute generalization ("all urban black Republicans are just opportunists
who would change their vote when it brings them personal gain") it does become
almost certainly false. However, Larry wasn't claiming it to be an absolute,
just a contributing factor.
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polygon
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response 46 of 57:
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Dec 17 07:55 UTC 2000 |
Re 36. Hmmm, good point about the original setup. I may have overstated
the case for independent electors. I will look into this some more and
get back to this.
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polygon
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response 47 of 57:
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Dec 17 08:13 UTC 2000 |
One slightly jocular point re 37. You write:
> you speak of these people voting overwhelmingly for Gore. didn't
> Democrats vote overwhelmingly for Gore too?
I didn't go looking for this, but as I recall from reading polls, only
about 75% to 80% of self-identified Democrats voted for Gore. Not as
overwhelingly, in other words, as self-identified African-Americans.
The objection to that, of course, is that lots of people self-identify (in
polls) with parties whose candidates they don't necessarily support very
often. Note that self-identified "liberals" and "conservatives" are even
less monolithic, perhaps because much of the public defines those words
differently than the cognoscenti do.
Further, a political identification is not really a "population group".
GWB did better among self-identified Republicans than Gore did among
self-identified Democrats, but not all that much better -- about 85% if I
recall correctly.
Maybe someone could go pull up the exit polls on a news web site and post
the exact numbers. I'm too tired to do it now.
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janc
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response 48 of 57:
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Dec 18 01:13 UTC 2000 |
The question of identifying race keeps coming up here. It's seems a
combination of genetics, skin color, cultural background, self-identification
and identification by outsiders. It's amazingly fuzzy. There are all sorts
of borderline cases. A Jamaican. An American-born child of Nigerian
immigrant parents. A person light-skinned enough to pass as "white". A
person who at the age of 40 discovers one of his parents was a light-skinned
black passing as white. A dark-skinned (East) Indian or an Australian
Aborigine living in the U.S. I think the whole "self-identification" thing
comes from trying to avoid writing rules about what race all the odd cases
are, while still preserving enough of a concept of race to allow discussion
of it. "I don't know if this person is black, let's just ask him." Probably
the honest answer would usually be "in some ways."
The problem with the "self-identify" buzzword is that it suggests you get to
choose. I could decide to be black, or Michael Jackson could decide not to
be (OK, bad example). It might help to think about how people become black.
Most commonly, you are raised by a family who impresses on you many ideas of
blackness, from cultural tastes to expectations about how you will be treated
by others. This is regularly confirmed to you by contacts with strangers who
seem to categorize you as a black in various ways. None of this is a
voluntary process, but it's not inherently evil either, it's the way we all
build our self-identity.
Most "black" people's families probably teach them values, tastes and
expectations that differ substantially from those "black" values seen on TV.
They find themselves in many ways not matching the expectations of "blacks".
The child of Nigerian immigrants might get almost none at all of those, and
might be astonished to be treated as "black" by strangers, just because he
looks black. He might rebel against this classification, or he might develop
a preference for the company of others who are treated the same way and accept
him more easily. He might decide he is black, or not. Only way to tell is
to ask. Hence "self-identification". But mostly not "self-identification
because you get to make up your own mind" but "self-identification because
only you can tell what the cummulative effect of mountains of external pressure
has been on your mind".
Being a Democrat is certainly part of the "as seen on TV black stereotype".
Politicians campaign at groups of people, not individuals. So the groups
are real to them no matter how fuzzy they are on the ground.
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polygon
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response 49 of 57:
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Dec 18 03:05 UTC 2000 |
Most of the data we have on group characteristics and attitudes come
from things like the Census and polling, which ask respondents to
identify their race or ethnic origin. If you, Jan, had put down on the
Census form that you were black, the computer would unquestioningly
added you and your characteristics to the "black" category. That's why
the weasel word about all Census-based data on this sort of thing is
"self-identified."
I specifically rejected "skin color" as being the measure of race because
it's such a poor determinant. My father, with no African ancestry of
which I'm aware, was darker than a number of black politicians I know.
The 2000 Census, for the first time, allows people to select more than one
race category. That will highlight and help explore the messiness of
these categories.
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carson
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response 50 of 57:
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Dec 18 06:09 UTC 2000 |
(one of the things I've learned in my political science classes at
college is that most political theory doesn't work in the real world,
and most political theorists don't even base their work on real world
examples. Larry's "analysis" not only didn't [and doesn't] jibe with
my admittedly-limited experience, it also struck me as offensive. as
Larry has clarified why he came to his conclusions, my initial reaction
has morphed into confusion, and is settling into understanding,
although I still disagree.)
(it's not that I think a faithless elector would have to make the
choice to be faithless well in advance in order to act; for the most
part, I've referred to Larry's example of the kitchen-table meeting,
which, if at all conceivable, could occur the morning of the vote.
it's certainly not that I think faithless electors don't become so for
moral reasons; indeed, gelinas's reference points out that, at least
with recent history, it's been one of the few reasons electors have
ever switched their vote. it's that Larry didn't, IMO, present a moral
dilemma, but instead described a scenario motivated by a poverty of
personal ethics. *that*, I personally found offensive.)
(I'm also unconvinced that being a self-described "black" Republican
and being a faithless elector are comparable, or even relatable,
examples of "going against the grain." rather, the way Larry presented
his scenario, tossing in details of neighborly acceptance and reverent
thank-yous, it's practically an example of going back to "the grain."
maybe Larry was thinking of it as "going against the grain" of "going
against the grain.")
(it bears repeating that my disagreement isn't with Larry, who's been
extraordinarily patient in responding to my challenges of his
conclusions. given his many years in politics, I'd normally defer to
his insight. however, I don't feel this is the appropriate forum to
gush about Larry's many accomplishments, but rather to discuss what I
feel is an embarrassingly faulty "analysis" of the possible impact of
faithless electors on this year's election. nearly all of my responses
to this item have been offered in the spirit of getting Larry to both
explain and rethink his position.)
(in hindsight, I'm surprised Larry didn't suggest the potential for
faithless electors in Florida. there you have electors who are, one,
pledged for Bush; two, faced with the prospect of voting for someone
who, in some minds, didn't earn the vote; and, three, pribly would have
diminished fallout from their surrounding communities, since the vote
was so evenly split. with both the compelling moral reason and a
potential for getting others on board, there's a recipe for throwing
the election to Gore, which is the situation speculated upon in the
first place. sure, it doesn't explicitly say so, but these electors
could be people with "against-the-grain qualities" and not necessarily
party loyalists. I vaguely recall reading an article focusing on some
of the Republican electors; a few of them sounded like average folk who
just happened to belong to the Republican party.)
(to briefly touch on a point Larry raised about his "analysis" in
resp:44 toward the end: sometimes it's OK to speculate about groups
you don't know as "undefined individuals," and you're correct in that
many people do so with varying degrees of success. however, it doesn't
hurt to learn as much as you can, and to change your hypothesis as new
information is discovered. there's a difference between good analysis
and poor analysis, and I'd like to think that you would prefer to be
credited with the former as opposed to the latter.)
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polygon
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response 51 of 57:
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Dec 18 06:54 UTC 2000 |
Re 50. Good points, and thank you for the kind words.
It was not at all useful to suggest that anyone would become a "faithless
elector" out of a "poverty of personal ethics." I think I was taking it
for granted that anyone who would even consider such a thing had much
deeper reasons for doing so. The "kitchen-table" scenario, which I
regret having mentioned at all, was intended to point out, not a
motivation for defecting, but the possibility that doing so would make a
difference as opposed to being just a protest vote.
Elsewhere, it has been pointed out that, though quite a few electors
across American history have voted in other than the expected way, only a
VERY few have actually crossed over and voted for an opposing party's
nominee. A North Carolina Republican elector in 1968 voted for George C.
Wallace. (That's why North Carolina now has a Michigan-style
vote-wrong-and-you're-out law.) A Virginia elector in 1972 voted for the
Libertarian candidates. There might have been a case in 1800. I think
that's it. There's a striking lack of Democrat-to-Republican (or Whig) or
vice-versa switches.
Much more often, stray votes are cast for other figures in the elector's
own party, e.g., a Dukakis elector in 1988 who voted for Bentsen, a Ford
elector in 1976 who voted for Reagan.
When I wrote the original, which was done admittedly too casually, I was
unaware of just how infrequent it has been for electors to vote for the
opposition. Of course, this is an unusual election in modern times, and
as I said earlier, it's the kind of situation which might conceivably
motivate an elector to cross party lines for reasons of principle.
Well, we should know the answer later today.
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polygon
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response 52 of 57:
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Dec 18 07:22 UTC 2000 |
In response 51, paragraph 2, 1st line, s/useful/useful for me/
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flem
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response 53 of 57:
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Dec 18 15:27 UTC 2000 |
The guy on NPR this morning mentioned that in some states, the electors vote
by secret ballot. FWIW.
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