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25 new of 100 responses total.
cyklone
response 25 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 9 03:34 UTC 2006

Ya'll keep ignoring the question of why it's a good idea to concentrate even
more power in the hands of a power-hungry executive branch. As marcvh has
pointed out, and most of ya'll have ignored, it makes much more sense to ban
riders and additions to bills without adequate time to read them. Better yet,
ban them altogether and require single item bills.
crimson
response 26 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 9 05:45 UTC 2006

Re #25: Who said anything at all about concentrating power? And since when
can every issue be reduced to a singe item bill? (At the very least, every
bill that actually has an effect ought to have sections for what it mandates
and anticipated logistics.)

rcurl
response 27 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 9 06:03 UTC 2006

I think bills should be *single subject*, at least. Miltary budgets shouldn't
have items added for building bridges to nowhere in Alaska, for example.
mcnally
response 28 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 9 06:33 UTC 2006

 (for what it's worth, though I don't disagree with you, the "bridge to
 nowhere" was funded as part of an omnibus transportation bill.)
cyklone
response 29 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 9 14:17 UTC 2006

Re #25: SIngle item bills are no problem; in fact they're required in 
Michigan. And giving the executive branch the power to control 
appropriations is clearly a concentration of power. It's not my fault 
you're too dim to perceive that.
rcurl
response 30 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 9 17:11 UTC 2006

Re #28: quite right. I misrecollected. 
kingjon
response 31 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 9 19:14 UTC 2006

Re #29: Who said anything about giving the executive branch the power to
control appropriations? If Congress likes the thing the president returns to it
for review, it can pass it again, with a 2/3 vote if he vetoes that.

keesan
response 32 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 9 20:32 UTC 2006

So a president represents the ruling party rather than a coalition of states.
cyklone
response 33 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 9 22:22 UTC 2006

Re #31: Use your imagination, junior. If the president doesn't like the 
way a certain legislator is leaning, all he has to do is pass word that he 
may not look too favorably on a particularl spending item the legislator 
favors. If the legislator doesn't play ball, boom, line item veto. Get it 
now?
kingjon
response 34 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 9 22:36 UTC 2006

So? You can say the same thing about every other check the executive branch has
on the legislature. Would you favor having only a symbolic executive? I know
*I* certainly wouldn't.

marcvh
response 35 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 9 22:38 UTC 2006

I know that I think the executive currently has too much power, and so I'll
tend to oppose pretty much anything that serves to expand it.  And no,
that isn't a purely partisan view, although certainly it is influenced by
the recent behavior of the executive.
cyklone
response 36 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 9 22:44 UTC 2006

Re #34: Well, you seem remotely capable of grasping this, so here goes: There
is a system called "checks and balances." The line item veto changes that.
Simply pointing out the executive branch, by definition, already has some
checks, is in no way a valid argument for granting more checks to that branch
unless your are willing to even things out by having that branch give up some
other check or providing a new check to the legislative branch.

You argument reduces to "since the executive branch already exercises 
certain powers, no harm can be done by giving it more power." Sorry, try 
harder next time.
kingjon
response 37 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 9 22:56 UTC 2006

No, my argument is that "every check can be used wrongfully, so saying that a
proposed power may be used wrongfully does not guarantee that it should not be
made law." 

cyklone
response 38 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 10 01:02 UTC 2006

In that case your argument is even weaker. The fact that Congress has a 
power that may be used wrongfully, yet (based on your argument) can also 
be used properly, does not justify removing that power from Congress and 
placing it in the hands of the President in violation of the careful 
system of checks and balances set up by the founding fathers. The correct 
solution is to find a way for Congress to stop abusing that power, while 
still reserving that power to Congress. Which gets back to the point 
I've made all along: limit the scope of each bill to a single 
issue and put procedural safeguards in place to prevent votes on massive 
bills finalized only hours before the vote. What's so hard to understand 
about that? 
kingjon
response 39 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 10 01:39 UTC 2006

I would be in favor of that (except that might be some things that can't be
dealt with in a "single-item" bill) -- as well as something preventing anything
from being passed without a funding plan -- but I don't think it would pass.
I'm not arguing for the extension of anyone's power, since the president under
this proposal could not do anything to set policy that he could not before.
Rather, this lets him be a more precise check on Congress.

rcurl
response 40 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 10 02:33 UTC 2006

Why doesn't Bush just veto the whole thing and then Congress could pass it
over his veto, and the system is preserved as is. If they can't pass it over
his veto, then they might amend it. I'm coming to think - what's the problem?
cyklone
response 41 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 10 03:28 UTC 2006

The problem is it's another false conservative meme, the ultimate goal of it
being to increase the power of the "strong executive" (which is the theory
many Bush insiders use to justify their power grabs). 

Klingon once again shows how a lack of knowledge is as bad as a lack of 
intelligence. He raises the red herring about how a bill may need to 
address more than one issue while ignoring the lesson of Michigan, the 
very state in which he lives and presumably received or receives an 
education. He should sue his school for failing to teach basic state 
civics. 

Complex issues are addressed by multiple bills, sometimes with clauses 
attached saying one won't become effective unless the other bill is 
passed. This recently occured in the battle to reform taxes. One bill was 
to cut certain taxes and the other was to replace some of the lost 
revenue. They both had to pass to take effect. If it works for MI it can 
work in DC. And after all, good conservatives (at least the real ones) 
believe states rights are important for many reasons, including that each 
state is a "lab" where the citizens can tinker with their form of 
government.
kingjon
response 42 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 10 04:03 UTC 2006

"The problem is" you're begging the question. I haven't seen any evidence that
this is a conservative power grab.

As for vetoing a whole bill -- what about the budget, whose failure to pass
could (I presume) make the government shut down? I can think of a whole host of
other examples where a veto would just be reported as "a veto" with guaranteed
negative consequences due to public disapproval.

Like I said, I would support a single-item-bill requirement (as well as a
requirement that each bill specify a funding source), but I don't think it'll
pass. This, at least, is on the table. It's not the best solution, but it's a
start.
cyklone
response 43 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 10 13:27 UTC 2006

Are you seriously telling me you haven't read that Cheney, Rumsfeld, et al
believe the executive branch was weakened during Watergate and needs to be
restored to power? Given this is amply documented, I don't think it's much
of a stretch to infer the line item veto is part of their efforts to increase
the power of the executive branch. 

I can't even tell what point you're trying to make in the second 
paragraph. Clinton and Congress played the "shut down the government" 
staredown and the US survived. I'm not sure what "guaranteed negative 
consequences" you think resulted from that bit of history.

And think about the what you're saying in the third paragraph. There's a 
good idea you don't think will pass and bad idea proposed by the president 
that might pass. Common sense suggests trying the good idea before 
starting to dismantle centuries of checks and balances.
johnnie
response 44 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 10 13:54 UTC 2006

The stated desire for a line-item veto may be nothing more than playing
the blame game:  "It's not my fault that deficits are so high--Congress
can't control their spending."
marcvh
response 45 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 10 15:28 UTC 2006

> I'm not sure what "guaranteed negative consequences" you think
> resulted from that bit of history.

Well, one of them was a dramatic expansion in the role of unpaid
interns, since they were not impacted by a lack of money.  One of those
unpaid interns ended up making major news, although I don't think the
long-term impact on our nation was particuarly significant.
kingjon
response 46 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 10 18:44 UTC 2006

"X exists" "Y exists" "therefore X implies Y" is bad logic.

By "guaranteed negative consequences" I mean such things as (not an exclusive
list) losing supporters in Congress, losing votes in the next election, being
forced to use political capital that was being saved for something else, etc.
Shutting the government down was supposed to be separate from that.

cyklone
response 47 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 10 19:50 UTC 2006

So a president shouldn't use a regular veto because the costs (as you perceive
them) may be too high to the president? I realize you're young and may not
remember many presidents before Bush. However, most presidents had no problem
vetoing bills they disagreed with strongly. Bush is a freak in this regard
in that he has yet to veto a bill, as if he considers that some sort of badge
of honor. Again, though, history has shown that the REGULAR veto can be used,
and has been used, effectively.
kingjon
response 48 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 10 22:34 UTC 2006

There are situations where a regular veto would not be cost-effective -- such
as a bill which is the President's idea, that he thinks is very important, that
he's maneuvered through Congress, that someone at the last minute attaches a
provision he's absolutely opposed to. He couldn't get it through a second time
if he vetoed it, and he thinks that it is really important, but also that it's
really important that the unwanted addition not pass. What would you suggest
here?

mcnally
response 49 of 100: Mark Unseen   Mar 10 22:44 UTC 2006

 re #48:  if I worked for the White House I'd suggest he sign the bill 
 containing the parts he wants and then add a "signing statement" explaining
 that he's simply going to ignore the parts he doesn't like, which is exactly
 what Bush did when his first major veto threat (to preserve his current
 torture policies) was threatened by a widely-supported rider sponsored by
 John McCain..

 re #47:  Bush's non-use of the veto power is pretty unique and is based
 on a number of unusual factors, including:  (1) the fact that all three
 branches of government are controlled by his party, (2) the fact that 
 Congress has rubberstamped virtually everything he's asked for except
 Social Security reform, and (3) his advisors' unique legal theories, 
 which basically boil down to the notion that as long as he says it's
 necessary to do his job the president can ignore any laws and suspend
 any rights he wants (so long as he doesn't push the the theory far enough
 to provoke a confrontation with Congress or the courts.)
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